The Journal of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Issues of Political Science

LEGITIMACY DEFICIT AND INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF UKRAINE: CHALLENGES AND WAYS TO OVERCOME

Nataliia Kononenko, Oleh Kononenko — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article analyzes the institutional capacity and legitimacy of governmental structures in Ukraine, particularly in the context of the current war. The main problem that undermines the effectiveness of the government is the regulatory and legal traps that arise from unreformed mechanisms of relations between the branches of government. The author analyzes these traps in the examples of interaction between the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the President, and how it affects decision-making. The author considers the duality of executive leadership as a key problem when both the president and the prime minister have the authority to manage the government, which creates a blurred system of responsibility and destabilizes the political process in general. The issue of the lack of a clear mechanism of government control by parliament, in particular through the institution of a coalition, is highlighted, which deepens the crisis of legitimacy. The traps are exacerbated by the possibility of the government functioning without an approved program, which reduces political responsibility. The author assesses political practices and inter-institutional relations in European countries (France and Germany) to compare their governance systems with the Ukrainian ones. It is demonstrated that in Ukraine the system of interaction between the parliament and the government is less effective, which undermines democratic principles. The conclusions about the need for fundamental changes in the legal framework to eliminate the opacity of political practices in Ukraine and to remove restrictions on the activities of the Ukrainian government to increase its ability to respond effectively to challenges, in particular against the backdrop of war and in the context of post-war reconstruction, are argued.

DIGITAL DIPLOMACY AS A MEANS OF STRATEGIC STATE COMMUNICATION

Valery Kononenko, Tetiana Komarova — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The problem of digital diplomacy as a means of strategic communication of the state is considered. The authors consider different approaches to defining this phenomenon. Digitization of social processes affects diplomacy and its practical implementation. The changes concern institutions and mechanisms through which states and other international actors realize their interests. Attention is paid to such components of modern diplomacy as large volumes of information and databases, e-government, e-participation, cyber security, and digital transformation. The article combines an analytical view of modern diplomacy with the disclosure of the conditions of the information age, which shape the directions and fundamental tasks of modern development. It was determined that transformations of power regarding the priority of production and control of value meaning and cultural codes of society, should be taken into account by digital diplomacy, with the involvement of a wide range of subjects from both the state and non-state spheres. The article is devoted to the specific issues of challenges to political decision-making processes in the field of digital diplomacy: virtualization of social and political processes, the state of uncertainty, instability, fluidity in the global space, latency, uncoordinated influence of centers of power (power), the circle of which has significantly expanded, the struggle for informational dominance, for reducing the information space and opportunities of opponents.

The authors note that knowledge, values, cultural codes of societies, communication channels, new media, and information networks are becoming strategically significant in international activities.

Since the new quality of power is that it increasingly gets rid of institutional localization, anonymity, network flexibility, capacity for non-linear policy-making, principles of horizontality and verticalism, taking into account the tasks of the unstable balance of the principles of horizontality and verticalism, strategic and tactical, priority and conjunctural tasks, axiological meanings, and competitive images give modern actors of world politics great advantages.

TRUST IN THE AUTHORITIES IN THE CONDITIONS OF A FULL-SCALE MILITARY INVASION OF THE RF INTO UKRAINE: ALL-UKRAINIAN AND KHARKIV URBAN DIMENSIONS

Anton Avksentiev — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article is devoted to determining the dynamics of trust in the authorities in the conditions of a full-scale military invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine. Based on the material of All-Ukrainian sociological surveys, trends in the level of trust in the President of Ukraine and approval of the direction of the state of affairs in the country during 2022-2024 were analyzed. The dynamics of trust in the Kharkiv mayor and approval of the direction of the state of affairs in the city were analyzed on the basis of municipal sociological surveys. It is argued that the rapid growth of support for the president and the general positive assessment of the direction of the state of affairs in the country after the full-scale military invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine in 2022 is relevantly explained within the framework of the political science concept «rally-round-the-flag». The article reveals the content of this concept, which establishes a direct cause-and-effect relationship between the emergence of an extremely high-level security threat to the state and society and a time-limited increase in trust in the government and support for its course. It was found that after the initial rapid growth of trust in the President of Ukraine and his course in 2022, a downward trend in the dynamics of public support is observed. It was noted that after two years of the full-scale military invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, the majority of citizens stopped positively evaluating the direction of the state of affairs in the country – this moment was characterized as the end of the «rally-round-the-flag» in the All-Ukrainian dimension regarding the support of the government and its course. It has been proven that the «electoral beneficiary» of the «rally-round-the-flag» caused by the war can be not only the central government and the president personally, but also local government representatives (in particular, the mayor of a front-line regional center). It is emphasized that longer manifestations of the «rally-round-the-flag» effect at the level of a local community (in particular, regarding trust in local authorities and positive assessments of the situation in the city) can be explained by the continuously high intensity of the external threat to residents.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POST-SOVIET SPACE POLITICAL REGIMES AND FEATURES OF THEIR FORMATION

Vladyslav Koshelnyk — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The main characteristics and features of the political regimes of the post-Soviet Baltic states, Ukraine, Russia and Georgia are considered and determined in the context of their transformation after the collapse of the USSR. The focus is on different ways of democratization in these countries, which were reflected in constitutional changes, ideological narratives, and foreign policy. The hybridity of political regimes in the transition period, when the political and economic modernization of breeds with the tasks of preservation and development of national identity took place, is explained. The multi-vector nature of political changes in post-Soviet countries is considered, which was manifested in different results of reform efforts - from democratization to authoritarianization, caused by the reaction to internal challenges and the need to adapt to international norms. Certain remnants of Sovietism and bureaucratic elements that inhibit the process of transformation and democratization are analyzed, which allows them to be labeled as neo-patrimonial: centralization of power, dominance of one party in the management of the state or a narrow group of persons, which negatively affects the formation and development of civil society and, in general, the process democratization. Two tables have been compiled, which trace the evolution of constitutions, economy, ideology and political systems in post-Soviet countries and the evolution of political regimes in post-Soviet countries, taking into account the influence of international organizations. The determined specificity of the Ukrainian political system shows certain differences from other post-Soviet countries.

CONTENT AND FORMS OF ACTIVITY OF THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY IN ACHIEVING EUROPEAN INTEGRATION SUCCESSES

Anton Shkuro — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article examines the processes that have reinforced Ukraine's European integration trajectory, highlighting the pivotal role of the institution of the presidency as a central decision-making authorityfollowing the onset of Russia's open military aggression against Ukraine in 2022.

The author concludes that the Ukrainian response to the unjustified military actions of the Russian Federation did not result in panic and fear. Instead, it unified the nation in its efforts to strengthen and develop its state and political institutions that are tasked with making effective political decisions and providing the necessary conditions for the Ukrainian institution of presidency, particularly in matters of foreign policy.

The article examines the issue of Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration;solution to whichwas significantly bolstered by the full-scale invasion of the Russian armed forces in 2022. These events generated a mobilization potential within Ukrainian society concerning foreign policy priorities. It is emphasized that Ukraine’s top political leadership promptly applied for EU membership shortly after the introduction of martial law. In June 2022, the European Commission published its conclusions, leading to all EU member states granting Ukraine the status of a candidate for EU membership.

The article analyzes the works of Ukrainian scholars who have studied the evolution of Ukraine’s European integration trajectory and the role of the institution of the presidency in this process. Special attention is given to the advancement of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations. The author positively notes that at the NATO Summit in Vilnius in 2023, the member states of the Alliance reaffirmed their commitment to Ukraine’s future accession to NATO. The article concludes that the communicative and political activities of the institution of the presidency have demonstrated to the international community the ability to make constructive proposals and secure positive decisions benefiting both Ukraine and its partners.

EACEKEEPING AND SECURITY MECHANISMS FOR REGULATING CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Іnna Vivchar, Roman Kret, Oksana Kundeus — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article explores multilateral institutions and their approaches to stabilizing and resolving conflicts on a global scale. In particular, the author analyzes the key international organizations, such as the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operationin Europe, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and the European Union, highlighting their roles in ensuring international security and maintaining peace. The research shows that the UN serves as a central actor in global peacekeeping activities, conducting peacekeeping missions in conflict regions and working on conflict prevention through diplomacy and sanctions. Its Security Councilis a key decision-making body in addressing international security challenges. The OSCE, as the largest regional organization, focuses on conflict resolution in Europe and Central Asia, utilizing preventive diplomacy, election monitoring, and observation missions. NATO, as a defense alliance, directs its efforts toward collective security and stabilization through peacekeeping missions and operations in crisis regions, particularly in the context of hybrid threats. The EU, in turn, develops its own security mechanisms through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, aimed at protecting Europe’s interests and promoting global peace. The article examines the interaction of these organizations in contemporary international relations and their effectiveness in responding to new challenges such as terrorism, cyber threats, and climate change. The author also provides practical recommendations for improving peacekeeping and security mechanisms to more effectively address modern challenges to international stability and ensure lasting peace.

FROM SOVIET INTERVENTION TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COOPERATION WITH NATO: THE EVOLUTION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EASTERN EUROPE IN 1945-1991

Illia Butenko — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article examines the mechanisms of Soviet influence on the policies of Central and Eastern European states during the Cold War in the context of the processes of changing the vision of the countries of the region in relations with the USSR and the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO). The article analyzes the cases of Soviet military intervention in the politics of the socialist bloc states in 1953, 1956 and 1968, as well as the policy of détente in international relations and the fall of communist regimes in the context of changes in the foreign policy of Central and Eastern European countries. The research interest is aimed at identifying the main factors of transformation of international relations in Central and Eastern Europe during the Cold War. The author defines the geopolitical situation in the region as a policy of limiting the sovereignty of countries by the USSR. Attention is paid to the processes of creating conditions for changing the balance of power in the region.

According to the results of the study, it is noted that the process of changing the vision of the foreign policy course of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe was influenced by such factors as the precedents of the USSR's military intervention in the policies of the Warsaw Pact (WP) member states, the formation of a trend towards building relations between the countries of the region and the states of Western Europe in the 1970s, and the existence of an image of a more flexible and mutually beneficial model of international security cooperation in the form of the Euro-Atlantic partnership within NATO. It is noted that the change in the situation in the field of international relations in the region was influenced by the fall of the communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 1980s and the formation of new elites who considered the establishment of relations with NATO as a foreign policy priority for the countries of the region.

POLITICAL CARICATURE AS AN ELEMENT OF RUSSIA'S HYBRID WAR AGAINST UKRAINE (2014-2022)

Oleg Gaiko, Oksana Chaika — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article deals with the political caricature of Russia in the Russian-Ukrainian war (2014-2022). It is shown that since 2014, Russia has systematically and consistently implemented a hybrid war against Ukraine, in which political actions were more important than military actions. The authors emphasize such an important element of the hybrid war against Ukraine as the implementation of the so-called "Gerasimov Doctrine" as evidence of the transformation of wars in 21st century.

The main features and main objectives of Russian political caricature, as well as some approaches to hybrid warfare, are analyzed, and the main ideological narratives of Russian political caricature as an element of Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine (2014-2022) are highlighted. The role of social networks as a convenient tool for the dissemination of Russian political caricature is revealed. It is shown that political caricature was one of the important elements of Russia's political propaganda in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022. The basic features and main tasks of Russian political caricature in Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine are considered, the main features and main tasks of Russian political caricature aimed at forming the desired emotional reaction are highlighted. The main ideological narratives of Russian political caricature during the Russian-Ukrainian war (2014-2022) are traced. The authors analyze the reaction of Russian political propaganda (on the example of political caricature) to the statements of the international community regarding Russia's actions in the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is shown that the Russian political caricature was quite effective and promptly responded to political challenges (especially to the reactions of the international community to Russia's actions in the Russian-Ukrainian war).

PREREQUISITES FOR THE EMERGENCE OF FEMINIST MOVEMENTS AND FOUR WAVES OF FEMINISM

Dmytro Varych — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

Описано історичний контекст та розвиток руху фемінізму, починаючи з боротьби жінок за рівні права жінок у суспільстві, політиці та економіці у хронологічній послідовності. Проаналізовано, як саме перші феміністки домоглися значних змін, включаючи право на освіту та власність. Враховуються внутрішні розколи через різні підходи до досягнення рівності.

Визначено пріоритети фемінізму другої хвилі, у XX столітті, коли акцент змістився на соціальну рівність та особисті свободі жінок, водночас продовжуючи боротьбу за політичні, економічні та репродуктивні права. Період другої хвилі підкреслюється суміжністю соціального та політичного життя, а саме ті проблеми, з якими стикаються жінки в побуті та на роботі, мають системний характер.

Розглянуто особливості руху фемінізму третьої хвилі, його головні цілі. Підкреслено зосередженість руху на більш локальних проблемах, з якими масово стикались жінки у повсякденності та кар’єрному зростанні. Виявлено характерні риси фемінізму третьої хвилі, появу нових проблематик у феміністському наративі (маскулиність, фемінність та андрогінність як поведінкові норми чоловіків та жінок).

Зосереджено увагу на трансформацію феміністичного руху та зміщення його в поле інтернет-активізму з високим рівнем комунікації і соціальної мобілізації для привернення уваги до проблем. Визначено фактори переходу до четвертої хвилі фемінізму та його особливості. Зокрема згадується використання інформаційних технологій, що дало початок таким феноменам, як соціальні мережі, блоги, хештеги. В рамках четвертої хвилі описується плюралізм значень цього руху для різних груп суспільства.

PECULIARITIES OF IRISH EMIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE DIASPORA IN THE GREAT BRITAIN

Marianna Marusynets — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article examines the peculiarities of Irish emigration and the development of the Irish diaspora in Great Britain, which includes ethnic Irish people and their descendants outside Ireland. The Irish diaspora is the largest minority group in England and Scotland and constitutes the largest immigrant community in Great Britain. It is noted that the historical relations between Great Britain and Ireland differ from those with other EU countries. Irish citizens enjoy more favorable conditions in Great Britain than citizens of other EU countries. The author emphasizes the importance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 for the introduction of a legal framework for the protection of the rights of citizens of both countries and the Common Travel Area Agreement (CTA) for the preservation of the special legal status of Irish citizens in the UK. The CTA guarantees the mutual rights of Irish and UK citizens in each other's territories.

It is proved that the Irish diaspora has played an important role in the socio-economic and political development of Great Britain, in particular in construction and transport, especially in England and Scotland. The Irish have created emigrant networks, including the daily newspaper The Irish Post and the Federation of Irish Societies. There is a strong political presence of the Irish diaspora in Great Britain. An assessment is given of the conflict in Northern Ireland, which has caused a wide resonance among the Irish diaspora in Great Britain. Some diaspora organisations condemned the campaign of the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Militant diaspora activists supported republican aspirations and criticised British “imperialism”.

FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE SCIENTIFIC COMPONENT PROGRAM FOR THE TRAINING OF DOCTORS OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE FIELD OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AT V. N. KARAZIN KHARKIV NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Victor Rubanov — Tue, 02 Jul 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The acute relevance of a profile study of the conditions for the emergence and real functioning of such a phenomenon as a scientific school of political science, the influence of its theoretical-methodological and practical-political traditions on the emergence, formation and development of the modern scientific component of the preparation programme for doctors of philosophy in political science is substantiated.

In carrying out this task, the author determines that the existing educational and scientific educational preparation programme for PhD in political science of the V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University fully corresponds to the mission and strategic goals of a modern institution of higher education, including in the aspect of internationalization and international scientific activity. This is due, first of all, to the fact that during its development, the lecturers of the political science department used not only the relevant preparation experience of PhD in modern universities in Europe and the USA, but also the existing scientific traditions of the Kharkiv School of Political Analysis itself. For this purpose, with the help of historical-genetic, systemic and systemic-structural approaches, for the first time in the political science literature was researched the origins, design, content and logic of development of the scientific component of the preparation programme for PhD in political science at the V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University.

In particular, the specific content, conditions of formation and influence of the first works in political science of the university professors Yosyp Lang, Tikhon Stepanov and Andriy Kachenovskyi are researched, as on the development of world political science, and so on the formation of scientific foundations and traditions of preparation in the 30s of the 19th century of political scientists precisely in the Kharkiv School of Political Analysis, which at that time was already not only been functioning, but also in practice fulfilling its duties as a specialized center for political scientists preparation.

In this regard, it is emphasized that the scientific value of the first works in political science of the specified scientists, as well as their purposeful professional activity to create the institutional foundations for the development of political science at the university, consisted and currently consists primarily in the fact that Y. Lang, T. Stepanov and A. Kachenovskyi already at that time advised political scientists to use the instrumental capabilities and guidelines of all three levels of the real functioning of political science - theoretical-fundamental, instrumental-empirical, and practical-applied. So the tradition of systemic and systemic-structural approaches to the study of political problems, was not only been formed and continued by leading professors and their students of the Soviet and post-Soviet periods of development of the Kharkiv School of Political Analysis, but also embedded in the logic, content and structure of the educational and scientific preparation programme of modern PhD in political science at the V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University.