The Journal of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Issues of Political Science

POLITICAL STABILITY IN THE DIMENSION OF THE CHALLENGES OF THE INFORMATION AGE

Tetiana Komarova — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The issues of stability / instability of modern society and the state, factors of overcoming destructive phenomena are considered. Among the most important factors, the excessive growth of uncertainty, polyvariance, randomness in modern political development are highlighted. The substantive core of the crisis of political stability is explained and the reasons for the increase in the price of social and political conflicts under conditions of social tension are revealed. The factors and conditions for the emergence and development of political conflicts are determined. The greatest danger of value-based conflicts and the clash of identities is emphasized. The formation of a new - global - identity is indicated as the basis for a kind of elite circle of the information age. The essence and features of the phenomenon of post-under-information are studied as a continuation of the theoretical logic of the concept of post-under-modernity. The presence of certain characteristic features of identity, inherent in the industrial era, which were manifested in value preferences and motivations, is noted. Special attention is paid to revealing the issue of the features of the explication of the concept of political stability at the present stage. The processes of formation of identities and their corresponding value meanings under the conditions of globalization and informatization, which affect all spheres of social life, determine the emergence of contradictions and conflicts, are analyzed. The multi-component nature of the selection of identities that coexist, collide, and affect the growth of dysfunction in the political sphere both at the local and global levels is analyzed. This leads to the growth of destructive phenomena. The principles of the formation of social hierarchies and elites, the features of the «digital divide» at the interindividual, social and inter-social levels are studied.

It is determined that technological development can be combined with stagnation, or even regressive manifestations in other areas of social and political life. Examples of this are glamorization, carnivalization of political processes, the growth of the trend of scandal politics as a political phenomenon, populism, and the statistical advantage of authoritarian practices in the world, which, unfortunately, correlates with the corresponding trend in the information space, in the plane of global transmission of value meanings. Thus, technologies are «digested» by social practices in accordance with their needs and goals. Certain value meanings are analyzed, which within the framework of identity formation contribute to social adaptation and political stabilization. The logic of the exacerbation of contradictions in the dimension of such priority axiological meanings as freedom, democracy, stability is proved

THE PATH TO SECURITY: MODELS AND MECHANISMS FOR MAINTAINING EUROPEAN AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY

Mykola Gnatiuk — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

Security is a central theme in international relations and modern political science, particularly given the evolving security landscape in Europe and globally. Traditional mechanisms for maintaining stability, such as the balance of power, defense alliances, and collective security, have demonstrated limitations. European integration offers a potential alternative, capable of transforming international interactions and mitigating the risk of conflict. This study aims to identify the characteristics of different security models and assess their effectiveness within the current international system. It focuses on the correlation between traditional security approaches (balance of power, defensive alliances) and newer models based on integration and international institutionalization.

The research employs a comparative analysis of international security concepts, a historical method to evaluate the effectiveness of different approaches retrospectively, and a structural analysis of international security systems. An institutional approach is also utilized to assess the role of international organizations in shaping security policy.

The study reveals that traditional security mechanisms, such as defense alliances and the balance of power, remain relevant but pose significant risks, including conflict escalation and heightened security dilemma. While joining forces enhances participants' defense capabilities, forming a basis for deterrence – a key condition for avoiding aggression – these alliances can also create rivalries and instability. Collective security, despite its international legitimacy, often struggles with implementation due to a lack of unified member-state positions. The difficulty of establishing a truly universal collective security system, coupled with the prominent role of great powers in world politics, suggests a simpler system: collective action by great powers interested in maintaining the status quo, even without formal obligations to counter aggression as seen in collective defense systems. The modern international security system, anchored by the United Nations (UN), blends elements of collective security and a concert of nations (requiring unanimity among the Security Council's permanent members), incorporating functional cooperation to address conflict sources. A more effective approach to security combines traditional models with deepened interdependence. This mitigates the structural causes of conflict and fosters a new kind of international interaction. The European Union provides a successful example of this synergistic approach to security.

A NEW WORLD WAR CAN BEGIN OR HAS ALREADY BEGUN?

Oleksandr Romanyuk — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article examines the problem of clarifying the essence of world wars, which is relevant in the current conditions of international relations. For a long time, the World War I (1914-1918) and World War II (1939-1945) were considered such wars. The consequences and impact of Russia's war against Ukraine, which began in 2014 and became widespread in 2022, on the renewal of disputes about the essence of world wars are investigated, since other countries began to participate indirectly in it on the side of both one side and the other. Attention is focused on two points of view within the discussion regarding the spread of the Russian-Ukrainian war to international relations. The essence and content of both points of view are revealed, which directly relate to the issue of the Third World War and the role of the Russian-Ukrainian war in its beginning. The first point of view is that Russian aggression against Ukraine threatens to start World War III. The second point is a new world war has begun, as the Russian-Ukrainian military confrontation causes not only military support from other states, but also an escalation of conflicts in other parts of the world. In the Middle East, the confrontation has already taken on the character of a war, involving Israel, Iran and its proxies, as well as Turkey's proxies. Military action is unfolding in Africa, where autocratic regimes supported by Russia are fighting opposition movements. Tensions are rising in the Far East, thanks to North Korea's aggressive stance and communist China's claims to Taiwan. The author of this paper, analyzing the current state of international relations, believes that a new world war has already begun. The theoretical and methodological basis for such a conclusion is his division of world wars into classical and post-classical. He considers the World War I and World War II to be classic, and he defines the Cold War and the growing war between democracies and autocracies in the modern world as post-classic. The main differences between classical and post-classical world wars are analyzed. The main reason for the transition of world wars from the classical stage to the post-classical stage was the appearance of atomic weapons.

BACKSLIDING OF DEMOCRACY INSTITUTIONS AND UKRAINIAN PRACTICE IN THE CONDITIONS OF GLOBAL BIFURCATION

Maryna Shapovalenko — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

Issues of changes in the activities of the institutions of democracy in the conditions of global shifts are considered, and as a result, the practice of curtailing the principles of its activity is observed. The researches of recent years also make it possible to update and significantly expand the previously used concept of military democracy, which originally only applied to the Weimar Republic. In modern conditions of global shifts, growing political extremism, and regional fragmentation, the demand for strict mechanisms to limit the activities of populist and right-wing radical parties is growing. The situation of global bifurcation, on the one hand, tests the strength of state institutions, and on the other hand, gives push to innovative activity. This is evidenced by the results of the elections in Poland and Hungary, the spread of the popularity of «Alternatives for Germany», and the strengthening of authoritarian regimes in the world. There are negative trends in enshrining restrictions on human rights in legislation. The relationship between the request for restrictions on decision-making procedures and the impact of such decisions on the stability of society and the further reformation of the political system of society is analyzed. The political elite is trying to adopt relevant laws in this direction. Therefore, history shows that an effective means is the creation of mechanisms of checks and balances in the management system. It is also important to introduce effective organizational and legal mechanisms of state administration and political decision-making. An equally important issue is the legitimization of decisions made and deviations from the basic principles of constitutionalism. It has been proven that the political practice of Ukraine shows the selectivity of limiting the activities of right-wing and left-wing radical parties in favor of right-wing movements and organizations, and the practice of popularizing right-wing radical symbols, as opposed to left-wing ones, is widespread. That is, the principle of symmetry and consistency of compliance with already adopted laws over the past twenty years is not observed.

LOCALIZATION OF SOCIAL DISTRESS: THE ROLE OF LEGITIMACY AND CAPACITY OF MODERN UKRAINIAN AUTHORITIES

Nataliia Kononenko — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The focus is placed on the factors influencing Ukrainians' ability to overcome the social distress caused by the war. In particular, special attention is given to how the institutional capacity of the state and the inclusive nature of its institutions affect the development and implementation of policies aimed at addressing post-war socio-political trauma. It is emphasized that the war has led to profound social scars, heightened perceptions of injustice, and exacerbated existing inequalities. Overcoming these consequences requires a comprehensive policy that combines efforts to restore social trust, heal societal wounds, and create conditions for sustainable development. The argument is made that the low institutional capacity of the Ukrainian state is one of the key factors hindering effective mitigation of the war's aftermath. The lack of a robust institutional foundation not only slows down recovery but also risks perpetuating social and political challenges in the long term. Successful reconstruction in Ukraine necessitates profound reforms aimed at strengthening state institutions, enhancing their transparency and efficiency, and fostering conditions for inclusive citizen participation in political and administrative decision-making processes. It is highlighted that the underestimation of participatory tools, characteristic of both the authorities and civil society, limits the potential for social cohesion. At the same time, inclusivity can have a positive impact (e.g., building trust between the state and its citizens) only if accompanied by deep institutional transformations. Addressing the «capacity traps» embedded in the legal and regulatory framework, which constrain the functionality of state institutions, is a critical step toward achieving sustainable peace and social stability. Therefore, rebuilding new social connections and institutional trust becomes not only a task for the state but also a collective responsibility of the broader society.

UKRAINIAN NEOPATRIMONIAL BUREAUCRACY AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF ECONOMIC BENEFITS DURING THE WAR

Anton Avksentiev — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

This study examines the distribution of economic benefits in the interests of the neopatrimonial bureaucracy amid the Russo-Ukrainian war. It argues that the neopatrimonial theory provides a more accurate explanation of the functioning of Ukraine’s political regime during wartime, as binary oppositions such as "democracy vs. totalitarianism" fail to adequately describe the actual exercise of power. Neopatrimonial bureaucracy is understood as the dominant politico-administrative class that exploits its political status and official position for personal enrichment. The paper analyzes two key aspects of economic benefit distribution – official budgetary revenues and "rent-seeking" mechanisms. Based on empirical analysis, the study finds that the influence of the neopatrimonial bureaucracy has strengthened in both of these areas. It demonstrates the rise in official budget expenditures allocated to sustain the neopatrimonial bureaucracy and reveals how the incomes of its representatives significantly exceed the national average. The study systematizes 15 primary "rent-seeking" instruments used by various sectoral fractions of the neopatrimonial bureaucracy to generate profits. The research highlights that the full-scale war has not led to a rejection of the rent-seeking model. On the contrary, it has provided neopatrimonial bureaucrats with new rent-seeking opportunities. Most of these instruments are directly linked to the war, particularly in the areas of defense procurement, reconstruction, humanitarian aid, fortifications, mobilization, and border crossing. However, some highly profitable rent-seeking mechanisms during wartime are not directly related to the war (for example in the banking sector) but have become feasible due to additional state restrictions and regulations. Drawing on sociological research, the paper argues that beyond economic losses for the broader society, the rent-seeking behavior of the neopatrimonial bureaucracy leads to a decline in public trust in state institutions and government bodies.

TEACHER RETENTION POLICY IN THE UK: INNOVATIVE APPROACHES AND PRACTICAL SOLUTIONS

Olha Vyhovska — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The article studies the problem of teacher retention policy in the profession on the example of the United Kingdom. Innovative approaches to motivating teachers to stay in the profession are analyzed and practical solutions that can be adapted in Ukraine are proposed.

It is concluded that the lack of homogeneity in the teaching profession is an important aspect of the problem of this study, which aims to assess the attractive aspects of the teaching profession and develop a system of measures that will contribute to the attractiveness of this profession in the future. It has been found that there is a steady upward trend in the number of teachers leaving the profession every year. Educational researchers and government officials in many countries are working to overcome this crisis. It has been found that the lack of qualified teachers in certain areas, subjects, or to work with children with special needs can be an important factor in the development and implementation of the necessary measures to encourage future entrants to teaching, which requires targeted action at the level of reforming public education policy.

An analysis of the UK's teacher retention policy demonstrates the importance of a comprehensive approach to addressing the teacher shortage. The UK experience shows the need to reduce the professional workload of teachers; support for the well-being and working conditions; reform of the remuneration system; investment in professional development; raising the social prestige of the teaching profession; implementation of targeted policies, etc.

It is emphasized that the governments of the leading European countries understand the importance of this problem and emphasizes that modern teachers should not only transmit knowledge but also act as facilitators, as they teach students with different socio-economic backgrounds, interact with families of different cultural backgrounds, create an appropriate learning environment for children with special educational needs, etc.

WAYS TO OPTIMIZE THE RECRUITMENT SYSTEM OF THE RULING ELITE OF UKRAINE

Vasil Kozma — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

Розглядаються актуальні проблеми якості української правлячої еліти та можливі шляхи оптимізації її рекрутації в умовах російсько-української війни. Аналізуються ключові параметри формування політичного класу України у період відновлення незалежності. Визначається, що емпіричний аналіз трансформації українського політичного класу показує його тісний зв’язок з попередніми владними групами. Наголошується на тому, що цей зв’язок простежується і донині, адже у перші роки незалежності значна кількість колишньої номенклатури різного рівня зберегла високі посади у політико-адміністративній сфері та швидко пристосувалася до нових умов легко змінюючи, залежно від ситуації, власні політичні позиції та партійну приналежність. Постулюється нерозривна взаємозалежність процесу рекрутації еліти та характер сформованих суспільних відносин. Відзначається, що серед механізмів рекрутації еліти зберігається домінантна роль належності до «команди», потрібні зв’язки, патронаж, кумівство тощо. Встановлено, що закритість та деградація політичного класу України стала наслідком втраченої можливості перезавантажити владу в перше десятиліття відновлення незалежності української держави. Науковий інтерес спрямований на вивчення різноманітних способів і методів якісної зміни теперішнього політичного класу та його подальшої трансформації. Акцентується увага на поширенні авторитарних стилів управління та нівелювання ролі міжнародних інституцій. Підсумковий висновок роботи наголошує на тому, що в умовах повномасштабної збройної агресії коли багато процесів проходять зону турбулентності розв’язання проблеми якості управлінської еліти вимагає політичної волі, рішучості політичної еліти змінити принципи власного формування заради збереження незалежної української держави.

POLICY NETWORK THEORY IN THE STUDY OF MODERN POLITICAL PROCESSES

Daryna Kozyretska — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

In the modern globalized world, political processes increasingly occur as a result of interactions between individual actors who form networks. Contemporary political processes are examined through the lens of Policy Network Theory. This theory elucidates the essence and content of Policy Network Theory itself, highlighting the importance of studying networks in political processes and the value of network theory as a subfield of political science for developing new concepts to analyze and explain diverse political phenomena and current trends. It is noted that politicians, business structures, and civil society organizations, by uniting based on shared interests, can influence the political decision-making process no less effectively than state institutions. Networks in political processes are characterized by decentralization, close interaction, and an ever-changing structure in which resources, including financial assets, information, or simply ideas, are constantly exchanged. An illustrative example of network formation in the political process in Ukraine is the «Servant of the People» Political party. Founded on the eve of the parliamentary elections, this leading party created a network of a new political elite whose members had no prior experience in politics, but included industry experts, activists, business representatives, and cultural figures. By adopting a decentralized approach to communication and organizing support at the regional level, the party managed to build a nationwide network in a short period of time. This example illustrates how a political party can operate within the network model, uniting different social groups around a common goal and using horizontal links to effectively disseminate its ideas and implement initiatives. The study of works from the German and British schools of social network analysis leads to the conclusion that traditional approaches to analyzing political processes and explaining the dynamics of modern politics are insufficient. These approaches primarily focus on studying rules and norms, the development of structures, and institutional interactions, while overlooking more complex interconnections and their causality.

It is proposed to view the foundations of Policy Network Theory as a new approach to understanding political processes, emphasizing the critical role of connections and interdependencies among various political actors. The evolution of Policy Network Theory is traced, beginning in the 1970s with the emergence of the neo-institutional approach, and its importance for studying contemporary political processes in the context of modern transformations is substantiated.

It is suggested that political power should be viewed not as a hierarchical structure but as a network, where each node (e.g., state authorities, intergovernmental organizations, business corporations, or civil society associations) can influence the overall outcome of policy. It is suggested to adopt new terminology, previously unused in Ukrainian political science, for studying networks of political actors.

The relevance of Policy Network Theory is emphasized, and its application in future research is recommended as a tool that allows for the consideration of the broadest range of factors influencing policymaking.

MISPERCEPTION AS A CATALYST FOR CONFLICT: ANALYZING U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS THROUGH THE LENS OF ROBERT JERVIS' THEORIES

George Popov — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The contribution of one of the leading scholars in international relations, Robert Jervis, to the understanding of security mechanisms, signaling, and distorted relations between states is analyzed. The study examines how misinterpretations of intentions, the escalation of distrust, and incorrect interpretations of signals can become the driving force behind the intensification of confrontation. Despite the significant influence of Jervis's ideas, their potential in contemporary analysis of international politics remains underutilized, making his approaches especially valuable for studying current crisis situations. The mutual perception between the United States and China, which plays a crucial role in shaping the dynamics of their relations, is identified. Jervis's «spiral model» is used to explain the assessment of threats in the context of increasing tension. The value of Jervis's model for describing the behavior of states, which, driven by fear and distrust, begin to overestimate the hostility of others while considering their own actions justified and defensive, is clarified.

Analyzing recent events in relations between the two states, the study discusses how both sides operate within contradictory logics: simultaneously perceiving the other as a potential threat while expecting their own peaceful intentions to be properly understood. Robert Jervis's concept of the «security dilemma» is considered a key tool for explaining mutual distrust between major geopolitical players in an anarchic international system, where the absence of a higher authority means that one state's actions aimed at strengthening its own security can be perceived by others as a threat. The ideas underpinning this concept are explained. Practical recommendations are provided on how the psychological aspects of decision-making in international politics, which Jervis extensively researched in his works, can be applied to address practical problems in international politics.

FEMINIST INSTITUTIONALISM AS A MAJOR TREND IN GENDER INEQUALITY RESEARCH

Dmytro Varych — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

The development of gender equality is studied through the prism of feminist institutionalism, which combines institutional analysis with feminist criticism. The main attention is paid to the mechanisms of formation of gender norms and their impact on social processes. The role of social networks in shaping public discourse on gender issues is analyzed, as well as historical and contemporary approaches to gender equality, including the ideas of John Stuart Mill and their influence on the development of contemporary theories.

The interaction of formal and informal institutional practices that affect the position of women in politics, economics and society is considered. The mechanisms through which gender stereotypes are entrenched in institutional structures are studied, as well as the prospects and strategies for overcoming them. Special attention is paid to the analysis of legal initiatives and international standards in the field of gender equality, as well as their impact on political and social reforms.

The importance of a comprehensive approach to the analysis of gender inequality is emphasized, taking into account political, social and economic factors. Special attention is paid to approaches to institutional research in the social sciences, their common elements and fundamental differences. The significance of feminist institutionalism as a new approach to the analysis of institutions in the context of gender equality is argued. Special emphasis is placed on the need to transform social norms and values, which will contribute to the formation of an equal environment for all citizens. The study also considers examples of successful practices in combating gender inequality in different countries. Thus, a comprehensive overview of the main challenges and prospects for the development of gender equality in the modern world is provided.

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: FROM ANTIQUITY TO THE PRESENT

Oleksii Batalov, Kateryna Semyboroda — Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000

This study has explored the historical evolution of citizens' political participation: from direct democracy in ancient city-states to modern digital mechanisms of civic engagement. It has examined the factors that influenced the transformation of citizen involvement in the political process, including: the direct participation of adult male citizens in the politics of ancient city-states, feudal monarchies in medieval Europe, the development of Enlightenment ideas and the formation of nation-states in the 18th–19th centuries, and the impact of globalization and digital technologies (including social media and e-governance) in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

Various forms of political participation have been analyzed, encompassing both traditional methods (elections, referendums, party activity) and modern digital tools of political engagement (online platforms, electronic petitions, political activity on social media, digital voting). The study has examined the impact of digitalization on political processes in the contemporary world and concluded that modern digital technologies, on the one hand, offer new opportunities for democracies (up to the revival of ancient direct democracy on virtual agoras (public platforms)), while on the other hand, they provide non-democratic regimes with powerful tools for spreading propaganda (both domestically and abroad) and maintaining control over their own populations.

The study has analyzed the challenges associated with the use of emerging technologies in political life, particularly the risks of manipulation and disinformation, hacker attacks, and the digital divide. Special attention has been given to the analysis of risks linked to the use of modern digital platforms in political processes: manipulation of public opinion, fake news, and the issue of cybersecurity. The role of e-governance in engaging citizens in public administration has been explored, along with the function of social media as a platform for political mobilization and online activism as a new form of civic initiative.

It has been concluded that the future prospects of political participation will depend on how effectively societies and state institutions can adapt to new technologies and ensure citizen engagement at all levels of political life. The main mechanisms for protecting the information space have been outlined in order to maximize the benefits of digital technologies.