The Journal of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Issues of Political Science
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology
<p>"Issues of Political Science" considers the actual problems of the theory and practice of political processes in a globalized world. For professors, researchers and anyone interested in the issues of political science.</p> <p>Media identifier in the Register of the field of Media Entities: R30-04458 (Decision № 1538 dated May 9, 2024 of the National Council of Television and Radio Broadcasting of Ukraine, Protocol № 15).</p>V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National Universityen-USThe Journal of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Issues of Political Science2220-8089<p><strong>Author’s copyright and licensing.</strong></p> <p><strong>License Terms</strong>: Authors retain copyright and also grant the Journal the right to publish original scientific articles that contain research results and are not under consideration for publication in other issues. All material is licensed under a <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">Creative Commons Attribution License International CC-BY</a>, which allows others to distribute their work with the copyright of this work and recognition of the first publication in this Journal.</p> <p>If the article is taken for publishing in The Journal of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. “Political Science Issues”, the author must sign <strong>a copyright transfer agreement</strong>. The agreement is sent by post (original document) or by e-mail (scanned copy of the document) to the Editorial Board of the Journal.</p> <p><strong>By this agreement the author certifies that the submitted material:</strong></p> <ul> <li class="show">does not violate the copyrights of other people or organizations;</li> <li class="show">has not been previously published in other issues and has not been given for publishing to other issues.</li> </ul> <p><strong>The author gives the editorial board the rights to:</strong></p> <ul> <li class="show">publish the article in Ukrainian (English) and distribute its printed version;</li> <li class="show">translate the article into English (for articles in Ukrainian) and distribute the printed version of the translation;</li> <li class="show">distribute the electronic version of the article, as well as the electronic version of the English-language translation of the article (for articles in Ukrainian and Russian), through any electronic means (placing on the official journal web site, in electronic databases, repositories, etc.).</li> </ul> <p><strong>The author reserves the right without the consent of the editorial board and the founders to:</strong></p> <ol> <li class="show">Completely or partly use the materials of the article for educational purposes.</li> <li class="show">Completely or partly use the materials of the article for writing own theses.</li> <li class="show">Use the materials of the article to prepare abstracts, conference reports, and oral presentations.</li> <li class="show">Post electronic copies of the article (including the final electronic version downloaded from the journal's official website) to:</li> </ol> <ul> <li class="show">personal web-resources of all authors (web sites, web pages, blogs, etc.);</li> <li class="show">web-resources of institutions where authors work (including electronic institutional repositories);</li> <li class="show">non-profit, open-source web resources (such as arXiv.org).</li> </ul>DECENTRALIZATION OF POWER UNDER CONDITIONS OF WAR: CHALLENGES FOR DEMOCRATIC LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT ON THE EXAMPLE OF KHARKIV REGION
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27432
<p>The article analyzes impact of a full-scale war on the implementation of the decentralization reform. The decentralization reform, which began in 2014, was initially implemented against the backdrop of the Russian-Ukrainian war, but during 2022-2024 the general vector of the reform changed significantly. The article considers latest studies, expert discussions, and key arguments of opposing sides regarding the feasibility of decentralization in wartime. Changes in the balance of power and control over budgetary financial resources are analyzed. It is revealed how the introduction of the institution of military administrations (in particular, military administrations of settlements, which replace the powers of local councils) contributed to the weakening of the political influence of local governments. The lack of clear criteria for the introduction of military administrations of settlements is noted, which opens up the possibility of politically biased abuses of pressure on local government from the presidential vertical. The dynamics of state and local budget revenues during 2021-2024 were analyzed. It was shown how the share of local budgets in the consolidated budget of Ukraine is decreasing. A comparative analysis of the dynamics of consolidated budget revenues of all regions of Ukraine for 2021-2024 was also conducted. Different trajectories of budget dynamics of «frontline» and «rear» regions were demonstrated, which necessitates a change in state regional policy. Based on the study of institutional changes in the balance of power and budget dynamics, conclusions about the trends of «recentralization» are argued –strengthening the presidential vertical and reducing the political independence of local self-government.</p>Anton Avksentiev
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2025-05-252025-05-254771610.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-01WAR AND REGIONAL GOVERNANCE: HOW THE ARCHITECTURE OF POLITICAL INTERACTION IN UKRAINE HAS CHANGED
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27434
<p>The article examines the transformation of relations between central government and regional actors in Ukraine under conditions of full-scale Russian aggression. The research objective is to analyze how the war transformed relations between Ukraine's president and local government bodies, including the use of military administrations, strengthening of mayors' executive powers, curtailing of fiscal autonomy, and informal influence mechanisms. Theoretical approaches to subnational politics in democratic and hybrid regimes are analyzed, particularly decentralization as a factor of democratization or entrenchment of local authoritarianism. The evolution of Ukrainian local self-government from the centralized model of the 1990s to the decentralization reform of 2014-2021, which strengthened fiscal autonomy of communities and the role of mayors of large cities, is examined. Special attention is paid to the war's impact on the architecture of political interaction: consolidation of power in the President's Office, introduction of military administrations as an instrument of central control, expansion of mayors' powers under martial law. The rollback of fiscal decentralization through transfer of budgetary powers from elected councils to appointed state administrations, representing a retreat from previous reforms, is analyzed. Informal mechanisms of influence on local government are revealed, including politicized anti-corruption investigations and weakening of democratic accountability. The fragmented nature of the current power system is identified, where the presidential center exercises formal control through military administrations and fiscal levers, while mayors retain significant influence and high approval ratings. It is emphasized that the future trajectory of Ukrainian governance depends on post-war decisions regarding fiscal policy, institutional changes, and the role of military administrations in democratic recovery. The article is based on analysis of legislative changes, empirical data on local self-government functioning under war conditions, and comparative study of subnational politics. The research demonstrates that the war has led to the emergence of a hybrid governance model that combines centralized control mechanisms with local autonomy. Special attention is given to analyzing conflict situations between center and regions, where attempts to replace local governance with military administration caused political conflict. The research findings are important for understanding prospects of Ukraine's democratic development in the post-war period.</p>Uliana Movchan
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2025-05-252025-05-2547172510.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-02TERRORIST METHODS IN RUSSIA'S ARMED AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE (USING THE EXAMPLE OF KHARKIV)
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27435
<p>The essence of the phenomenon of terrorism has been considered, highlighting its key features through the prism of current events in Ukraine and Kharkiv in particular. The features inherent not only to terrorism, but also to other phenomena of socio-political violence have been emphasised. These features have been determined and the specifics of terrorist activity have been separated from the related phenomena.</p> <p>Attention has been paid to the establishment of the subject of terrorism as one of the most manipulative issues. It has also been indicated that there are multiple objects of influence as the main feature that characterizes terrorist activity. Namely, the presence of two objects of influence: the object of physical violence and the object of psychological pressure, which do not coincide, since they are components of the mechanism of indirect influence on the final object in order to force it to make a certain decision or take certain actions. The socio-political component of the phenomenon of terrorism is highlighted, which consists in the socio-political context of the emergence and spread of terrorism, the presence of a certain social base and goals related to making certain political decisions. The definition of the phenomenon of terrorism has been suggested.</p> <p>Using these and other features, the appropriateness of using the term "terrorism" to characterize violent actions in Ukraine during the modern war period has been determined. The activity that has the main features of terrorism has been established. The logic of the emergence and spread of terrorist activity on the territory of Ukraine, such as bombings, arsons, aimed at destabilizing the situation within the country, reducing the authority of the authorities, reducing the unity of the population in resisting military aggression has been determined. The dependence of the activities of terrorists is noted. The terrorist component of the russian-Ukrainian war is presented using the example of events in the city of Kharkiv as a border city.</p>Maryna Tseluiko
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2025-05-252025-05-2547263110.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-03ATTACHMENT TO ONE’S HOMETOWN AS A RESOURCE OF RESILIENCE DURING FULL-SCALE WAR (BASED ON INTERVIEWS FROM THE PROJECT «THOSE WHO STAYED: TESTIMONIES OF RESIDENTS OF KHARKIV AND KHARKIV REGION»)
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27436
<p>This article explores the experiences of Kharkiv residents who consciously choose to remain in the city despite the constant danger posed by the full-scale war. The source base for this research consists of oral history interviews collected between 2023 and 2025 within the framework of the project «Those Who Stayed: Testimonies of Residents of Kharkiv and Kharkiv Region», supported by the Center for Urban History of East Central Europe. The aim of the study is to identify the arguments residents use to justify their decision to stay, examine how attachment to their hometown is articulated in oral testimonies, and analyze how this attachment contributes to the formation of psychological and social resilience during wartime. The oral history approach, combined with thematic analysis, reveals key motivations behind the decision to stay: a sense of duty, identification with the city, emotional attachment, and memory of the urban environment as both a personal and collective resource. Despite the loss of infrastructure and social ties, the city itself, its familiar streets, architectural landmarks, and landscapes, takes on the role of a supportive agent. The study seeks to deepen our understanding of urban resilience through the lens of individual wartime experiences. Respondents emphasize their connection to the city—whether through birth, long-term residence, or emotional ties. The loss of social capital due to evacuation is often offset by the city’s physical and social environment. In the narratives, Kharkiv appears not just as a geographic location, but as a social resource that sustains resilience. The urban experience is compared to that of rural residents, whose adaptation to war followed a different trajectory. Motivations to remain or return include care for relatives, a desire to be useful, and the need to preserve identity and a sense of belonging to the homeland. The article also highlights the paradox in which the threat of war is perceived as less stressful than the experience of displacement and living in unfamiliar environments away from one’s native city.</p>Viktoriia Nesterenko
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2025-05-252025-05-2547323710.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-04V.N. KARAZIN KHARKIV NATIONAL UNIVERSITY DURING THE FULL-SCALE RUSSIAN MILITARY INVASION OF UKRAINE
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27437
<p>The relevance of political science research into the problem of the functioning of a classical university in the conditions of a full-scale Russian military invasion of Ukraine is being substantiated. Thus, not only the corresponding losses of the university that were caused by the military are analyzed, but also its place and role in the system of training multidisciplinary professional personnel in these conditions. It is noted that this became possible not only thanks to the professional actions of the leadership and members of the university's workforce, but also the powerful assistance of partners and friends of the university. With the support of the Ministry of Education of Ukraine and the friendly assistance of the National University «Yuri Kondratyuk Poltava Polytechnic» that it was possible to ensure the creation of a temporary coordination center of Karazin University in Poltava and to deploy logistical capabilities for receiving victims from Kharkiv. It was emphasized that thanks to international assistance, the Karazins received free access to the resources of the «Research4Life» platform. The training course «Introduction to Machine Learning» was launched in a distance format. It is noted that postgraduate students and teachers of the university regularly participate in international theoretical and applied scientific events - summer schools, conferences, study visits, and are also successfully published in international scientific publications, including those indexed in Scopus. And this has already become a scientific tradition of the university, which has already made and continues to make a significant contribution to national and world science, the development of culture, sports and education. There are grounds for an optimistic prognosis for the further development of educational and scientific activities of Kharkiv National University in the future.</p>Victor Rubanov
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2025-05-252025-05-2547384510.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-05CYBERSECURITY AS AN ELEMENT OF DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION: LESSONS FROM KHARKIV REGION
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27438
<p>In the context of hybrid warfare and targeted information aggression, the issue of cybersecurity is gaining particular importance not only as a technical challenge, but also as a key factor in ensuring national, political and social stability. Cybersecurity is emerging as an important element of democratic development, as information attacks are often aimed at undermining public trust, destabilising local governance and devaluing democratic institutions. The experience of Ukraine, namely the Kharkiv region, is considered as a significant example of how regional communities can withstand complex cyber and information challenges. The example of the Kharkiv region shows not only technical but also a clear political colouring of cyber threats, namely: massive DDoS attacks on public services, hacking of information resources, phishing campaigns, spyware, attacks on local media, active use of bot farms in social networks, i.e. everything that serves as a tool to pressure public opinion, create panic, discredit local governments and spread disinformation.</p> <p>The article emphasises the particular danger of information campaigns that masquerade as legitimate sources but aim to spread hostile propaganda narratives, reduce the level of critical thinking and create an environment hostile to democratic values. These cyber tools can be aimed at both undermining the electoral process and creating artificial discontent among the population. At the same time, the example of the Kharkiv region demonstrates that with proper coordination between the authorities, law enforcement agencies, media and civil society, it is possible to effectively counter cyber threats. It is concluded that raising the level of digital literacy of the population, building local cyber defence systems, information transparency and engaging citizens in countering disinformation contribute to the formation of a sustainable democracy.</p> <p>In such conditions, not only technical defenses but also the informational resilience of communities becomes a decisive factor in countering hybrid threats. This approach not only safeguards critical infrastructure but also strengthens public trust in democratic institutions.</p>Oleksandra Zinchenko
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2025-05-252025-05-2547465210.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-06UKRAINIAN REFUGEES IN GERMANY: HOW LOCUS OF CONTROL AND ANXIETIES INFLUENCE INTENTIONS TO INTEGRATE AND RETURN
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27441
<p>The article explores the dynamics of psychological factors influencing the integration and repatriation intentions of Ukrainian refugees in Germany. Based on two waves of an online survey (July 2023 - January 2024, N=2917), the evolution of locus of control and anxiety levels and their relationship with migrants' life strategies are analysed, and the dynamics of the evolution of intentions to stay in Germany or return to Ukraine in the context of five waves of the survey (May 2022 - January 2024, N=5899) are investigated. The results of the survey are presented, which reveal a paradoxical trend: despite the traumatic experience of displacement, the average level of subjective control among refugees exceeds pre-war Ukrainian indicators. The article emphasises the differentiation in terms of migration intentions revealed by the survey: people with long-term plans to stay in Germany demonstrate greater freedom of will (6.9-7/10) compared to those who plan to return (5.1/10) or are hesitant (5.9/10).</p> <p>The survey results reveal a clear hierarchy of anxieties among Ukrainian refugees in Germany. The most significant stress factor is the uncertainty of the prospects of returning to Ukraine, which outweighs the level of concern over potential legal difficulties of staying or the risk of deportation. This anxiety is particularly acute among respondents who are consciously focused on repatriation. Ukrainian refugees are characterised by a relatively low level of concern about xenophobia and discrimination, which have traditionally been central to migration studies of previous waves. This specificity is likely due to a combination of two factors: the exceptionally friendly attitude of German society towards Ukrainian refugees and the systemic support for Ukraine at all levels of German politics and civil society. This creates a unique social context that significantly distinguishes the experience of Ukrainian refugees from the migration cohorts of previous years.</p>Tetyana Panchenko
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2025-05-252025-05-2547536110.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-07FEATURES OF STRENGTHENING THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRESIDENCY IN THE MODERN SEMI-PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN UKRAINE
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27442
<p>The specific features of the functioning of the modern semi-presidential system of government in Ukraine are examined. The evolution of the semi-presidential system since 1996 is traced. It is shown that in the Ukrainian political process, the president's concentration of power is influenced not only by formal powers but also by informal mechanisms. It is argued that in the political history of modern Ukraine until 2016, a significant expansion of both formal and informal presidential powers occurred under the president-parliamentary type of semi-presidential system when Presidents of Ukraine (L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych) obtained a level of power characteristic of super-presidential systems. The fluctuations between the president-parliamentary and premier-presidential types of Ukraine’s semi-presidential system since 1996 are examined. It is observed that the process of strengthening or weakening the institution of the presidency has always been preceded by inter-elite consensus.</p> <p>The phenomenon of patronage-based presidency in Ukraine is analyzed, along with the specific features of its implementation under both the president-parliamentary and premier-presidential types of the semi-presidential system.</p> <p>It is demonstrated that since 2016 to the present day, there has been an atypical strengthening of the presidency in Ukraine, as the president acquires a power typical of super-presidential systems, despite the formally existing premier-presidential type of semi-presidential system.</p> <p>It has been revealed that the main reason for the significant expansion of presidential powers lies in informal practices, the specific functioning of clientelistic and patronage networks, and rent-seeking actors. These elements constitute the foundation that provides support and enables a substantial increase in the actual powers of the presidency despite formal institutional constraints.</p>Oleg Gaiko
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2025-05-252025-05-2547626910.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-08INFORMAL WAR-TIME INSTITUTIONS IN SCOPE OF KHARKIV REGION
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27443
<p>The paper is devoted to the consideration of informal institutions in the Kharkiv region during a full-scale invasion, which are capable of determining not only the local political process and the characteristics of civil society, but also the course of military operations in the frontline region, as well as the trajectory of the longer process of democratization of Ukraine. In the study, institutions will be defined not so much as organizations, but as practices established in time and space that are decisive within the selected territory and society, whether or not organizationally fixed. In particular, both corruption and local public leadership traditional for pre-war Ukraine are considered, as well as informal institutions of martial law, such as local military leadership, informal practices of the mobilization process, the formation of the volunteer movement, including its military cluster. Informal institutions are studied as social practices stable in time and space, which have both a negative and a positive impact on the course of military operations in the Kharkiv region. Corruption is viewed in a broad sense not only as the appropriation of financial resources, but also as an informal, non-legal method of distributing and redistributing various goods and resources. The mobilization process is examined through the prism of social behavior, which includes human rights violations and backlash in the form of attacks or evadorship. An important obstacle to confronting the northern aggressor neighbor is the informal lines of division between the military and civilian sectors. The article also examines the phenomenon and organized forms of volunteering, both civilian and military, which is an important link in uniting the civilian and military population in the Kharkiv region, maintaining the front line in the region and providing primary assistance to temporarily displaced persons from the combat zone. Of particular importance in the context of the chosen topic is the aspect of borderline identity, which is both heterogeneous and changeable, contains elements of the local and European, the past and the present.</p>Iryna Rabotyagova
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2025-05-252025-05-2547707510.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-09FORCED MIGRATION AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN KHARKIV REGION (2022–2025) UNDER THE ARMED CONFLICT BETWEEN UKRAINE AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27444
<p>A systematic analysis has been conducted of the transformational consequences of large-scale forced migratory movements that began in the Kharkiv region in 2022 as a result of the full-scale military invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation. The study examines the causes, characteristics, and dynamics of forced migration in Kharkiv as one of the key regions for internal displacement in Ukraine. It was found that during the first weeks of the full-scale armed conflict in 2022, migration from the Kharkiv region became explosive in nature, leading to a sharp increase in the burden on host communities in other regions, a loss of institutional control over migration flows under emergency conditions, and the destabilization of local systems responsible for providing basic services. A continuing trend of prolonged population mobility has been observed, driven by security risks, repeated evacuations, attempted returns, and secondary displacements both within and beyond the region. The strategic role of the Kharkiv region is emphasized - as a frontline area, a transit zone, and a long-term place of residence for a significant share of internally displaced persons (IDPs). The spatial specificities of intra-regional mobility are outlined, including wave-like returns, rotations, and evacuations between communities. Examples are provided of districts with the highest evacuation rates. The study also examines the demographic, socio-economic, and ethno-cultural effects of migration processes on the city of Kharkiv, with a particular focus on qualitative changes in the social structure of communities, the functioning of local institutions, and transformations in the regional public policy system. In the conclusions, special emphasis is placed on the sustained high level of institutional mobilization in the Kharkiv region despite limited resources, which ensures the basic resilience of regional governance and social support systems.</p>Оlena Liuba
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2025-05-252025-05-2547769310.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-10CULTURAL CREATIVITY AS A SPHERE OF FORMATION OF POLITICAL VALUES: THEATER IN FRONT-LINE KHARKIV
https://periodicals.karazin.ua/politology/article/view/27445
<p>The article examines the peculiarities of cultural creativity in Kharkiv under the conditions of the armed invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation. The peculiarity of Kharkiv as a border and now front-line city is emphasized, which left its mark on all spheres of its life, revealing its limitations and risks. The intertwining of political practice with the production of cultural phenomena and with culture in general is noted. Power is characterized as the key pillar of politics, which in the information age is primarily determined by the production and control of value meanings and cultural codes of society. The change in the technology of exercising power is revealed - from authoritarian coercion to mimicry to fulfill the needs of seducing the consumer of political products in order to reduce his critical thinking. The authors emphasize that for a socially healthy, comfortable society, a certain interaction of symbolic and meaningful images in the information space is important, as is a sufficiently stable system of axiological meanings, principles of social understanding, and support for a common socio-cultural field that contribute to the existence of a stable identity of citizens of a certain country. Theater as a form and method of cultural creativity opens up possibilities for synthesizing the forces of tradition and modernization, which, according to the authors, is a necessary condition for the successful adaptation of society under the conditions of rapid and largely radical transformations of the information age. Changes in the functioning of Kharkiv's art institutions under martial law are analyzed. Despite objective restrictions related to security, numerous theaters, concert venues, and cultural centers did not stop their activities, seeking new formats of work under war conditions. The experience of Kharkiv artists is highlighted, which testifies to the importance of culture as a means of psychological resilience of society and demonstrates unique practices of adapting art to the realities of wartime. The events take place in safe spaces, in basements and bomb shelters. Attention is focused on the fact that Kharkiv theater figures are impressive in their dedication to their work, often treating it as a volunteer activity, working not for material gain, but for the sake of their beloved profession, the audience, and dedication to the common cause of social prosperity, at least for the future. It is noted that cultural resistance is becoming an equally important component of the national struggle, and the examples of Kharkiv are symbols of resilience and faith in the Renaissance.</p>Tetiana KomarovaValery Kononenko
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2025-05-252025-05-25479410210.26565/2220-8089-2025-47-11