The Journal of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series "Issues of Political Science"

SCIENTIFIC-POLITICAL POPULISM AS A «NEW INQUISITOR»: WITCH HUNTS IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY

Olha Andrieieva — 2026-04-30

The article analyzes the phenomenon of scientific-political populism as one of the most dangerous transformations of contemporary populism in the twenty-first century. It demonstrates that, under current conditions, populism transcends classical ideological divisions and functions as a political-discursive technology aimed at reducing the complexity of social reality and mobilizing society through moral dichotomization. The attention is paid to science-related populism as a form of delegitimization of expert and academic knowledge, manifested in the symbolic construction of an image of the «internal enemy» among scholars, experts, and intellectual minorities.

Employing the metaphor of the «new inquisitor», the author conceptualizes contemporary witch-hunt practices not as a historical anachronism but as a recurrent socio-political mechanism of response to systemic crises, security uncertainty, and radical structural transformations. The article demonstrates historical continuity and identifies three stages of witch hunts which, despite differences in targeted groups and mechanisms, retain a common logic of moral exclusion and control over the truth.

Special attention is devoted to the Ukrainian case in the context of the full-scale war of Russian Federation against Ukraine. It is argued that the combination of postcolonial experience, the accumulated trauma of the 2014–2022 war period, and the existential threat that emerged after 2022 has created a specific environment of heightened security vigilance in which the risk of transforming rational security practices into a witch-hunt logic increases significantly. The article demonstrates that, in this context, science-related populism undermines democratic institutions, academic freedoms, and informational resilience, while simultaneously serving as an instrument of short-term political mobilization. The study concludes that recognizing the boundaries between security imperatives and populist moral mobilization is critically important for preserving science as a core element of national security.

WHAT IS THE AXIS OF EVIL?

Oleksandr Romanyuk — 2026-04-30

This article is devoted to the emergence and transformation of the concept of the «Axis of Evil», which is relatively new in political science and the theory of international relations. There are two stages of its interpretation, in the first of which the Axis of Evil was understood as the political regimes of countries that sponsor international terrorism and develop biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons, in the second – autocracies that began to fan the flames of a new world war with their actions. It is emphasized that the transition from the first stage to the second was caused by Russia's full-scale military aggression against Ukraine, which caused a crisis in the world order.

The author believes that the main actors of the Axis of Evil should primarily include Russia, which started the largest military conflict in Europe since the Cold War, as well as those countries that directly help it achieve its aggressive goals. He includes North Korea and Iran among these. These countries supply Russia with a critical mass of weapons, without which it would not have been able to withstand this war for four years, and North Korea has even sent its military contingent to Russia. This alliance is united by a common goal – to oppose the spread of the ideological, political, and economic influence of Western democracies in the world. However, each of its countries has its own geopolitical goals, which may conflict with those of other participants. The problem of communist China occupies a special position in terms of belonging to the Axis of Evil. On the one hand, the PRC officially declares its commitment to preserving peace, its willingness to adhere to the principles of world order, and openly does not assist other members of this alliance in committing aggression. On the other hand, it economically, technologically, and politically supports aggressor countries. According to the author, China, in the context of the development of the situation in the modern world, is similar to a director who, being behind the scenes, determines for the actors how to play their roles on stage. The conclusions emphasize that the actions of these states threaten humanity with a new world war. To prevent it, civilized countries, whose combined potential significantly exceeds the combined potential of aggressive autocracies, must join forces to curb the aggressors. Unfortunately, after Donald Trump came to power in the United States, the creation of an alliance to effectively counter the Axis of Evil has become a big problem.

SUBJECTIVE INDEPENDENCE AND INTERDEPENDENCE OF POLITICAL ANALYSIS AND POLITICAL FORECASTING АS SPECIALIZED SCIENTIFIC AND EDUCATIONAL DISCIPLINES

Victor Rubanov — 2026-04-30

The relevance of scientific research into the problems of determining the subject independence and interdependence of political analysis and political forecasting as specialized scientific and educational disciplines is substantiated. The purpose and methods of the research are determined. An attempt is made to provide an author's conceptual justification of the influence of the nature of methods and procedures on the formation of the subject independence and interdependence of political analysis and forecasting. It is indicated that mathematical and other strictly formalized methods and procedures are effective in the process of solving routine tasks, which is characteristic of political analysis and the process of forming its subject field as a specialized independent scientific and educational discipline. Conversely, in the case of uncertainty and increasing dynamism of the situation being studied, management procedures inevitably become more complicated, and therefore require the analysis of numerous alternatives and, accordingly, the application of predominantly qualitative, i.e. expert research methods and procedures, which is inherent to a greater extent to political forecasting, and, accordingly, to the very process of forming its independent subject field. It is argued that these various methods and types of independent scientific activity carried out by the subjects of political analysis and political forecasting, due to the very nature of the methods and procedures used by them, are organically interdependent and mutually dependent. In the process of researching and solving political problems: the first performs part of the prognostic functions, and the second - analytical. It is emphasized that later, the indicated interdependence of political analysis and political forecasting found its embodiment not only in the scientific process - the development of special algorithms for their practical implementation, but also in the educational process for professional training not only of students - political scientists, but also of representatives of other specialties. Moreover, in the form of not separate curricula for their implementation from each discipline, but of joint work programs with their corresponding name: «Political Analysis and Forecasting», which thereby emphasizes not only their subject independence, but also their interdependence as scientific and educational disciplines. The article may be of interest to sociology and political science teachers.

CONDITIONALITY AND INSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATION IN A NEOPATRIMONIAL CONTEXT

Uliana Movchan — 2026-04-30

The article examines the limited effectiveness of conditionality applied by international organizations in the implementation of institutional reforms in neopatrimonial states. The aim of the study is to identify why reforms initiated by international organizations result in formal, but not substantive, changes in the functioning of political institutions. The study analyzes the approaches of international organizations to reform implementation, in particular the normatively oriented mechanism of the European Union based on the transfer of the acquis and monitoring of formal compliance, the technocratic approach of the World Bank aimed at institutional design and the depoliticization of governance, as well as the conditional lending practices of the International Monetary Fund, associated with financial incentives and short-term performance criteria. Their structural limitations, arising from a focus on formal, measurable outcomes, are identified.

The interaction between formal institutional change and informal practices in the context of neopatrimonialism is also examined, where patron-client networks and personalized governance shape actual political dynamics. Mechanisms of strategic compliance, adaptation, and selective implementation of reforms that allow elites to maintain control over resources are highlighted. Special attention is paid to the case of energy sector reforms in Ukraine, which demonstrates the coexistence of formal institutional arrangements with the reproduction of informal practices. It is argued that the limited effectiveness of conditionality is structural in nature and stems from its inability to incorporate informal institutions into the logic of reform. The article concludes that there is a need to rethink the approaches of international organizations to reform, taking into account the political nature of informal institutions.

THE MONOMAJORITY ILLUSION: THE ROLE OF OLIGARCHIC DEPUTY GROUPS IN UKRAINE’S PARLIAMENTARY COALITION

Oleksandr Fisun — 2026-04-30

The article examines the factional structure of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in its IX convocation (2019-2026) and the role of oligarchic deputy groups in forming a hybrid parliamentary coalition. The dynamics of changes in the parliamentary structure are examined, with particular attention paid to the emergence of deputy groups in the Verkhovna Rada alongside party factions. Empirical evidence from marker votes (prime minister appointments and annual state budget approvals) demonstrates that, since 2021, the formal «monomajority» of the «Servant of the People» faction has been unable to independently secure the required quorum. It is shown that under these conditions, four oligarchic deputy groups – «For the Future», «Trust», «Platform for Life and Peace» and «Restoration of Ukraine» – act as stabilizers of the monomajority. The history of creation, formal leaders, and real beneficiaries of these groups has been analyzed. A distinctive feature of these groups is the absence of an electoral mandate, which exempts them from political accountability to voters. The conclusion is drawn that this hybrid coalition configuration lacks a programmatic-ideological dimension but is fully consistent with the patronal-client logic of the political regime. Political loyalty to the president as the «supreme patron» is exchanged by the deputy groups and their beneficiaries for protection of economic interests, business preferences, legal immunity, and other benefits. The historical continuity and structural reproducibility of this model are substantiated, where the presidential faction enters into informal alliances with oligarchic deputy groups to maintain control over parliament. Corresponding oligarchic deputy groups in the Verkhovna Rada of the VI–VIII convocations are identified – «Reforms for the Future», «Sovereign European Ukraine», «Economic Development», «People’s Will» and «Revival». It is noted that in the overwhelming majority of cases such deputy groups consist of «majoritarians». On this basis, the role of the mixed electoral system with a majoritarian component as a factor facilitating the formation of parliamentary coalitions in the interests of presidents is argued.

GENESIS AND EVOLUTION ОF THE POLITICAL THEOLOGY CONCEPT ОF CORPUS MYSTICUM IN MEDIEVAL THEOLOGICAL АND POLITICAL THOUGHT

Oleg Haiko — 2026-04-30

This article examines the genesis and evolution of the medieval politico-theological concept of corpus mysticum. It shows how the concept of corpus Christi became established in Christian theology under the influence of early Christian authors. Particular attention is paid to the Carolingian Eucharistic controversies of the ninth century, which contributed to a more systematic understanding of corpus Christi and led to the gradual consolidation in medieval theology of the terminological distinction between corpus verum and corpus mysticum. The article analyzes the key ideas of Paschasius Radbertus and Ratramnus of Corbie, whose positions during the Carolingian Eucharistic debates significantly influenced the later conceptualization of corpus mysticum in medieval theology.

The study also traces the impact of the eleventh-century Eucharistic crisis, which led to a terminological inversion whereby the term corpus verum increasingly came to designate the Eucharist, while corpus mysticum was gradually applied to the Church. The role of Peter Lombard in consolidating the use of corpus mysticum as a designation for the Church within scholastic and university theology is examined. It is argued that the spread of the theory of corporate bodies in the thirteenth century further contributed to the stabilization of the concept, since this theory provided a juridical framework for understanding a community as a single corporate subject.

The article also highlights the institutional and political factors that strengthened the Roman Catholic Church and encouraged the use of corpus mysticum as a designation for the Church. Particular attention is given to Thomas Aquinas, whose work played a crucial role in the systematic formulation of the theological terminology describing the three modes of Christ’s presence and in establishing corpus mysticum as a synonym for the Church.

Finally, the article demonstrates that the development of the theory of corporate bodies and the gradual centralization of royal authority in the Late Middle Ages led to important semantic transformations. The term corpus mysticum gradually lost its exclusive association with the Roman Catholic Church and came to function as a more general designation for corporate entities. As a result, a concept that originally belonged to theological discourse began to be widely used in a politico-legal sense, while the term corpus politicum increasingly replaced corpus mysticum as the preferred designation for the kingdom. The article also examines the role of medieval canonists in the processes of universalization and secularization of the concept of corpus mysticum.

POLITICAL COMMUNICATIONS AND TECHNOLOGIES IN CYBERSPACE: DIPLOMATIC VECTOR (MASS-INFORMATION SEGMENT)

Iryna Verkhovtseva — 2026-04-30

It was found that one of the leading dimensions of political-communication and political-technological activity in cyberspace is modern cyberdiplomacy, which includes digital communication both between diplomatic missions of different countries and between non-state foreign policy and global actors. It was found that the political communicativeness of modern diplomatic missions goes beyond the functions of state representation. It is established that the political and technological function of cyber diplomacy is the aggregation of resources in ensuring national interests, values and needs in the information environment. Cyberspace is characterized as a strategic center of gravity for modern states in contrast to traditional ideas about it as a specific technical sphere. It is found that the institutional and actor structure of political relations based on the Internet is characterized by its decentralized architecture and a significant role of private structures and civil society. It has been proven that non-state actors, including transnational criminal groups, «hacktivists» and cyber units of technology giants, demonstrate targeted political and technological influence in the international arena, comparable to the influence and capacity of small countries. It has been found that effective public cyber advocacy in this context involves political and technological (political marketing) setting clear expectations, stimulating cooperation and, when necessary, publicly holding platforms accountable for their failure to protect users or reduce the impact of harmful content. It is established that the ability of diplomatic missions of Ukraine to carry out «offensive"»(proactive) public communication activity is a crucial political and technological resource of cyber diplomacy. Its main content is the promotion of narratives about Ukraine’s successful struggle for its independence and the protection of the interests of the Euro-Atlantic community in the fight against the aggressor country. The mass-information segment of cyberspace is characterized, which determines the possibilities of political actualization of profile diplomatic functions on the basis of public-communication actions and campaigns. It is found that the proactive nature of political-technological (including public-communication actions) in the context of dialogue with the public, political actors and economic players of host countries is of great importance.

THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF IMPLEMENTING INTERNATIONAL INFORMATION POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBAL SECURITY

Alla Girman — 2026-04-30

The article investigates the transformation of information into one of the fundamental strategic resources of contemporary international relations in the 21st century, comparable in significance to military power, economic capabilities, and technological advancement. It analyzes the distinctive properties of information as a resource – its intangibility, extreme speed of dissemination, scalability, and multiplier effect – which enable it to function as a powerful instrument of soft power in peaceful contexts and as a means of indirect influence, manipulation, and destabilization of political systems in conflict environments. The study examines the mechanisms of formulating and implementing national information policy, the pivotal role of political elites, the distribution of responsibilities among branches of government, and the decisive importance of political will grounded in strategic foresight, national consciousness, and moral responsibility of leadership.

Special emphasis is placed on the historical evolution of international information policy: from its origins as a tool of ideological confrontation during the Cold War, through the explosive growth of the internet in the 1990s–2000s, to the current stage dominated by challenges of disinformation campaigns, cyber threats, and the regulation of artificial intelligence applications. The article explores core concepts such as information sovereignty, the global information order (initiated within UNESCO in the 1970s), and digital diplomacy as modern instruments for advancing national interests in the digital domain. It highlights the multilevel and networked character of contemporary information policy, shaped by the interplay of states, international organizations (UNESCO, ITU), transnational corporations, digital platforms, and opinion leaders.

The conclusions underscore the intensifying competition among divergent models of information space governance, the growing risks of fragmentation of the global information system, and the urgent need to balance the free flow of information with the protection of national sovereignty and cultural identity. For Ukraine, this domain holds existential significance amid ongoing hybrid threats, as it directly relates to safeguarding state sovereignty, preserving national identity, and maintaining international support. Future developments will depend on advancements in digital technologies, artificial intelligence, automated information dissemination systems, and the increasing influence of non-state actors, creating both new opportunities for global communication and additional risks to international security and stability.

UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN GERMANY: STRATEGIES OF SUPPORT DURING THE WAR AND PROSPECTS FOR ENGAGEMENT IN UKRAINE'S RECOVERY

Tetyana Panchenko — 2026-04-30

This study examines the strategies of support for Ukraine by the Ukrainian diaspora in Germany during the war and identifies prospects for its involvement in post-war recovery. The research is grounded in Mezirow’s transformative learning theory and its application to migratory societies, transnationalism theory developed by Glick-Schiller, Faist, and other scholars, and Levitt’s concept of social remittances, which help understand the dynamics of adaptation, transnational practices, and the diaspora’s contribution to Ukraine’s recovery. Methodologically, the study is based on a longitudinal analysis (2022–2026) using 45 in-depth interviews with Ukrainian refugees in Germany. Data analysis, conducted through Grounded Theory, allowed for the identification and systematization of key categories related to the transnational practices of Ukrainian refugees, their perceptions of Ukrainian community formation and mutual support, and their personal strategies for supporting Ukraine. Based on these categories, three models of transnational engagement were identified, reflecting different levels of refugee involvement in supporting Ukraine and their adaptation in Germany: (1) Active transnational engagement and support (combining integration in Germany with regular support for Ukraine). (2) Expectant position with reliance on transnational practices (postponing return until stabilization in Ukraine while maintaining ties). (3) Local integration with minimal connections (focus on adaptation in Germany without active involvement in Ukraine’s recovery). The study explores how the diaspora contributes to Ukraine’s recovery through financial remittances, volunteering, cultural diplomacy, and advocacy for Ukraine’s interests. Special attention is given to the role of transnational practices as a mechanism for supporting Ukraine and a resource for refugee adaptation. The potential role of refugee return as a catalyst for positive change, given security and economic stability, is highlighted. The study emphasizes the need to develop strategies for engaging the diaspora in recovery efforts through transnational educational programs, business initiative support, and digital platforms for coordinating humanitarian initiatives.

THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO UNDERSTANDING THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE STATE

Viktor Pashkov — 2026-04-30

The article examines the peculiarities of understanding the essence, structural factors and goals of foreign policy activities of states within the framework of the leading paradigms of international relations theory – neorealism, neoliberalism and constructivism. The research objective is to clarify the specifics and differences in the conceptual vision of various theoretical approaches to the principles underlying the foreign policy of modern states and the goals they pursue in the international arena. The main research methods employed are general scientific methods (such as analysis, synthesis and deduction), comparative methods and historical methods, a systematic approach. Despite significant differences in the interpretation of international politics between various paradigms, it has been established that they demonstrate adherence to a common position at the theoretical level: viewing a state's foreign policy as a derivative of the nature of international relations. Thus, determining the motives behind foreign policy behaviour of states is directly derived from an understanding of the international environment in which they operate, whether it be a competitive arena of interstate struggle for resources and power, where the rules of the game are determined by national power and agreements between major powers (neorealism), a multi-level network of connections and dependencies between states, where they seek to realise their interests through cooperation (neoliberalism) or a community of actors who constantly interact with each other, shaping international reality (constructivism).

The paradigm of neorealism derives the goals of the foreign policy of states from their national interests and the selfishness inherent in their behaviour in the international arena. The level of power of the state and the structural limitations of the international system determine the logic and tools that the state uses in interstate competition to achieve its goals. In this context, the main foreign policy goals of states are to strengthen their own security, strengthen national power and international influence.

Representatives of the neoliberal paradigm define the growth of national wealth and ensuring international peace as the main goals of the foreign policy of states. Given the growing multilevel and interdependence of relations between modern states, according to neoliberals, the main means of achieving these goals should be cooperation on a mutually beneficial basis. In turn, constructivists derive the motives of the foreign policy behaviour of states (ruling elites) from the peculiarities of their perception of international reality and self-identification in relations with the outside world.

THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR АS АN EXAMPLE ОF А LIMINAL WAR: STAGES АND MECHANISMS ОF ESCALATION

Vladyslav Koshelnyk — 2026-04-30

A political science analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian war is carried out through the prism of the concept of liminal war. It is substantiated that this concept allows, more precisely than the broader concept of hybrid war, to explain the logic of the transition from covert and semi-covert forms of confrontation to open interstate war. The stages of the transition from the stage of liminality to full-scale invasion are considered. It is established that the Russian-Ukrainian war unfolded as a sequential process that included the formation of a liminal conflict environment, a phase of partial military escalation, a break in liminality, and a transition to an open military phase. Based on the combination of D. Kilcullen's theoretical approach and the analysis of Ukrainian empirical material, key escalation mechanisms are identified: threshold manipulation, instrumentalization of uncertainty, an asymmetric combination of military and non-military means, as well as the aggressor's political and temporal calculation. It is proven that liminal war is not limited to the pre-threshold stage of the conflict, but retains its logic even after the transition to open war, manifesting itself in the informational, diplomatic, energy and psychological dimensions. The author formulates his own view of the Russian-Ukrainian war in theoretical and practical terms in the context of the concept of liminal war. The conclusion is argued on the application of the concept of liminal war to the analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which allows for a more accurate description of the stages of escalation, to identify the internal logic of the transition between the phases of the war and to reveal the specifics of modern conflicts, in which not only military force is of decisive importance, but also the ability to act in the space between detection, attribution and political response.

THE INFLUENCE OF CONFUCIAN PHILOSOPHICAL THOUGHT ON THE FORMATION OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHINESE REPUBLICANISM

Illia Shevykov — 2026-04-30

The role of Confucian principles in shaping Chinese governance is analysed, as well as the role of Confucianism, particularly the concept of the «Mandate of Heaven» as an instrument for legitimising political power. The influence of Confucianism on institutional mechanisms of governance in ancient China and the significance of Confucian principles as the philosophical framework of Chinese statehood during the imperial period are examined. The moral and ethical system created within Confucianism as the main instrument for regulating social relations in imperial China is examined. The conceptual foundations of the «Three Principles of the People» put forward by Dr. Sun Yat-sen as the basis of the Chinese understanding of republicanism are examined.

The role of Confucianism as the ideological basis of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's doctrine of the «Three Principles of the People» is studied. The influence of Confucianism on the Principle of «Nationalism» within Dr. Sun Yat-sen's political theory and the role of moral and ethical principles in the formation of the nation is analysed. The interpretation of popular sovereignty in the context of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's principle is analysed. The significance of meritocracy within Confucian philosophy and its role in the implementation of the «Principle of Popular Sovereignty» are studied. The duality between loyalty to the state and to the nation in Confucian thought, as reflected in the Principle of Nationalism, is analysed. The Confucian understanding of the role of the state in the economy within the framework of the Principle of «People's Welfare» is examined. Discrepancies are identified between the interpretation of the economy’s legitimising function in the «Three Principles of the People» and in Confucian philosophy. The role of the state in providing infrastructure and preventing natural disasters within the framework of Confucian philosophy and its reflection in the «Principle of People's Welfare» are analysed.

The significant role of Confucianism in each of the «Three Principles of the People» and its influence on the Chinese interpretation of republican ideas is noted. In this context, the moral, ethical and philosophical foundations of Confucianism serve as a framework for interpreting traditionally Western concepts such as «nationalism» and «democracy». The study concludes that Confucian philosophical thought exerts an ambivalent influence on the «Three Principles of the People» put forward by Dr. Sun Yat-sen.

THE JUDICIARY IN THE PROCESS OF DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES (POLAND, HUNGARY, THE CZECH REPUBLIC, BULGARIA, SERBIA)

Denis Revenko — 2026-04-30

The article examines the transformation and erosion of the judiciary in five Eastern European countries – Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Serbia — in the context of democratic backsliding (democratic backsliding). The independence of the judiciary is a foundational pillar of liberal democracy, serving as a critical check on executive and legislative power. Understanding how this pillar can be systematically weakened is therefore essential for assessing the resilience of democratic institutions across the region. It characterizes the key parameters of comparative analysis: the independence of the constitutional court, the independence of ordinary courts, judicial governance, and external pressure. Special attention is paid to identifying common strategies for weakening judicial authority, particularly the use of mechanisms of «autocratic legalism» and «state capture», as well as analyzing instruments of political pressure on judges — from discretionary powers of judicial administration heads to the creation of politicized disciplinary bodies. The study considers the differences between countries determined by the configuration of political power (the presence of a constitutional majority), the density of international institutional oversight, and the structure of accountability mechanisms. It is shown that Hungary and Poland experienced a targeted systemic assault on the judiciary, Bulgaria and Serbia suffer from chronic institutional erosion, while the Czech Republic serves as a counterexample of judicial resilience due to strong judicial self-governance and effective internal checks and balances. Practical recommendations for Ukraine are formulated, including the need for legislative protection of the High Council of Justice from political influence, preventing the creation of discretionary disciplinary bodies, implementing transparent mechanisms of judicial self-governance, and enhancing public trust through openness of judicial procedures. The findings can serve as an analytical framework for further reforms of Ukraine's judicial system on its path to European integration and strengthening the rule of law in the post-war period.

STATE SOVEREIGNTY IN THE CONTEXT OF FORMING POLITICAL SPACE IN THE INFORMATION AGE: MAIN DEVELOPMENT TRENDS

Kostiantyn Brynza — 2026-04-30

The features of the transformations of state sovereignty in the information age are considered. Principled approaches to defining sovereignty and the state in political philosophy are highlighted. The emphasis is on the fact that the state must solve the problem of streamlining the activities of all existing institutions, so that the people benefit from their activities. The conditions that influence the components of state sovereignty, primarily the characteristics of the state, are analyzed. A comparative measurement of the classical understanding of sovereignty and related practices with its modern definition is provided. Particular attention is paid to the formation of political space. It is determined that the sovereignty of the state was classically associated with the spatial definition of the sphere of implementation of sovereign power, with a territory defined by borders. In the issue of the evolution of sovereignty, it is emphasized that the national-territorial identity that accompanies the processes of the formation of modern states is no longer based only on territorial markers, visualized symbols of the embodiment of power – the personalities of the rulers (typical of previous eras), but on the presence of common values and cultural codes for large communities of people. The existence of a common socio-cultural field in society is becoming more relevant, integrating each individual into a specific community with its own interests – the nation, which is certainly strengthened and supported by the state. The information age is shaping a new dimension of space that corresponds to its fundamental qualities, when information, knowledge, and communication become the driving forces of productivity and power. Power, as the substantive core of state sovereignty at the information stage of development, is actively manifested through the ability to produce and control the values and cultural codes of society. The achievements of informatization and digitalization of public life as an important trend of modern development are dialectically connected with the processes of another leading trend – globalization.

It is determined that the contradictions and conflicts of universalism and particularism shape the logic of the modern reformatting of the world order, set the tension of instability, and increase the risks of uncertainty and unpredictability of the consequences of political decisions and actions. The complexity of the architecture of the distribution of power in the world, the latency and uncoordinated processes of interaction, the multilevel nature and contradictions of simultaneously existing identities are important global trends. The sovereignty of the state requires the powerful formation and support of ideological components, the protection of the unique values and cultural codes of the nation, which define the modern political space, which is largely virtualized.

THE EXPERIENCE OF AZERBAIJAN (1991–2026): LESSONS FOR UKRAINE

Oleksii Batalov — 2026-04-30

The article analyzes the experience of Azerbaijan (1991–2026) and, on this basis, formulates lessons for contemporary Ukraine.

The Azerbaijani experience is of particular interest to Ukraine not only because the political processes of this post-Soviet country are partially similar to Ukraine’s own transformation process, but above all because Azerbaijan is one of the few states that initially lost a war and parts of its territory, yet later managed to consolidate internally and define the key principles of its foreign and domestic policy. These principles enabled the country to regain its lost territories and successfully reintegrate them. At present, Azerbaijan is transforming its historical adversary, Armenia, into – if not an ally – at least a partner.

The following features of the Aliyev regime in Azerbaijan are examined: strict consolidation of power; clear institutional coordination and the depoliticization of the security sector; a focus on the effective development of the national economy, which over time made it possible to create a modern military-industrial complex and a combat-capable army; the rapid integration of veterans into society; and, in foreign policy, an emphasis on strategic rapprochement with Turkey as a regional “center of power”, while preserving the successful elements of a multi-vector foreign policy. The article provides a detailed analysis of which of the above-mentioned elements, and to what extent, can be applied in Ukraine. It is noted that it is necessary to take into account not only the advantages but also the shortcomings of Azerbaijan’s specific wartime and post-war experience.

It is concluded that the experience of Azerbaijan cannot be mechanically transferred to Ukrainian realities. However, it makes it possible to identify a number of important lessons, including: the importance of properly formulated reconstruction and development strategies, as well as the high significance of consistent long-term – and in some cases even multi-decade – efforts aimed at their implementation; the necessity of institutional consolidation; the importance of an effective national economy and proper management of available resources; the use of memory policy as an instrument for consolidating society; and the cautious and skillful application of the principles of a multi-vector foreign policy while avoiding critical dependence on any contemporary “centers of power”.

In the context of the current full-scale war between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, the future post-war transformation, and the possibility of a new escalation of the confrontation, these lessons may serve as a foundation for shaping a more resilient and effective model of Ukraine’s state development.

CIVIC PARTICIPATION OF THE UKRAININ YOUTH DURING THE WAR

Yuliya Bidenko — 2026-04-30

This article examines the transformation of civic participation among Ukrainian youth during the full-scale war, focusing on patterns of engagement, institutional adaptation, and structural constraints. Ukrainian civil society has historically evolved in waves, intensifying during periods of political upheaval and external threats; however, since 2014, and especially after 2022 when the youth participation has undergone both quantitative and qualitative expansion. Empirical evidence demonstrates a sharp rise in volunteer engagement. The study argues that in the Ukrainian context, the distinguishing between volunteering and civic activism is increasingly blurred due to the broad legal definitions, and hybrid practices that combine service provision with advocacy, cultural, artistic, educational activities, and political engagement.

Key areas of youth participation include humanitarian aid, support for war-affected populations, reconstruction efforts, grassroots initiatives, cultural activities, and informal education. Mostly young people get involved throughout their social group i.e. friends, relatives, colleagues or schools’ and universities self-government. The role of youth civil society organizations, informal initiatives, and digital platforms as mobilization tools is also highlighted. At the same time, a lot of young people remain outside formal civil society institutions, reflecting persistent socio-economic, regional, and educational barriers. The article also addresses the impact of war-related trauma, loss, displacement, and inequality on participation, particularly among vulnerable groups, and youth from the regions affected by the Russian Ukrainian war mostly. Despite a high willingness to contribute to community recovery in the future, many young people report low perceived political efficacy and limited understanding of participation mechanisms, as well as the lack of a success stories, good examples, and weak feedback from the local and governmental authorities. The findings point to the emergence of a flexible yet structurally fragile model of civic engagement that requires sustained institutional support and inclusive policy interventions in the post-war period.

UKRAINE ІN THE CONTEXT OF CURRENT GLOBAL PROBLEM

Oleksandr Avksentiev — 2026-04-30

The current Ukrainian situation is analyzed through the prism of the hierarchy of global world problems that emerged after World War II. The global trends in the process of forming a new model of the world order are characterized, which have a decisive impact on changing international relations and interstate regulation. The signs of the reverse trend - deglobalization, and its manifestations in European countries are described.

The Russian-Ukrainian war is considered as a factor of geopolitical shifts and the destruction of the international security system. The interconnectedness of the intensification of interstate competition and the intensification of the struggle for one's own geopolitical interests using various means is emphasized. The danger to the regional balance of power in Europe is indicated due to the presence of buffer zones on the territory of Ukraine - the self-proclaimed DPR and LPR. The possible consequences of Russia's recognition and support of quasi-states as a factor of the further unregulated spread of the emergence of such entities and the destruction of the system of international relations and security are expressed. It is noted that the beginning of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine has put on the agenda the formation of a new European security system, of which Ukraine should become a part, and the issue of a system of international control over nuclear weapons. The negative consequences of the war against Ukraine, starting in 2014, for Russia itself, which were realized during the first years of the war, are indicated. Relations with Poland since the Russian-Ukrainian war are considered as a positive example of humanitarian assistance and laying the foundations for future cooperation. The issue of the growing danger of a migration wave in Europe is separately considered, which should serve as a warning for Ukraine against inviting a significant number of migrants with a different mentality as workers in various sectors of the Ukrainian economy. The need to pay important attention in the post-war period to create favorable conditions for the restoration of the middle class in the country is indicated, the importance of which is proven by the experience of Europe. Whatever epithets have been given to Ukraine – «Heart of Europe», «gateway to Europe», «buffer zone», «country of strategic transit», «civilizational crossroads», «divided country» – and all these are just fragments of the unwritten history of Ukraine, since this history is still being written by its people.